Unless it is the pro-Israel 'Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reports in America'
CAMERA paints false picture of Ariel Sharon’s massacre responsibility and Israeli history even as it notices Christopher Hitchens’ hypocrisy.
It is important to note that accuracy is not the aim of the Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reports in America (CAMERA). In its latest 'CAMERA ALERT' (January 10, 2006), CAMERA promotes the long-discredited notion that Ariel Sharon, and Israel in general, bears no responsibility for the September 1982 massacres in the Lebanese Palestinian refugee camps of Sabra and Shatila, and attacks a recent piece at Slate by Christopher Hitchens.
To support this notion, the writer Ricki Hollander plays a silly game with facts. She states (emphasis mine): "Yes, there was a massacre in the Palestinian refugee camps of Sabra and Shatila, but these were not carried out by Israeli soldiers. Christian Phalangist militia men under Elie Hobeika, operating in territory controlled by Israel, were responsible for the attack." The first problem with this is the fact that no one, starting with the focus of Hollander's and CAMERA's wrath, Christopher Hitchens, has said Israeli soldiers took direct part in the massacre. The second problem is that she leaves out something when she admits that the Phalangists (Lebanese Christian fascists modeled on the Spanish Falangists) were "operating in territory controlled by Israel." Not only were they operating in territory controlled by Israel, damning enough as this is, they were also given access to the refugee camps by Sharon, whose troops had encircled the camps earlier. Not only that, according to the BBC documentary, 'The Accused', Ariel Sharon didn’t want the Israeli troops to enter the camps, that he specifically sent the Lebanese militia into the camps. And, asks the BBC narrator, Fergal Keanne, "Could Ariel Sharon have been in any doubt about what would have happened if you sent the Phalangists into a Palestinian refugee camp, an undefended camp?" Of course, the likely reason Sharon didn't want Israelis to enter the camps is that he and troops under his command had been caught massacring civilians twice in the past, at El-Bureig in August 1953 and at Qibya, Jordanian-occupied West Bank in October 1953. Better to merely facilitate their Christian fascist allies to do the killing.
Hollander cites the Kahan Commission report, an Israeli government commission report that essentially exonerated Sharon and Israel. Unlike Hitchens, Hollander doesn't mention that Noam Chomsky has written a, as Hitchens put it, "mordantly brilliant critique" of that report, which has been called a cover-up and part of which remains secret. But, the Kahan report nevertheless found the following (as quoted and annotated in the Counterpunch article, 'The Crimes of Ariel Sharon', published as he rose to the peak of Israeli government power in early 2001):
"It is our view that responsibility is to be imputed to the Minister of Defense [Sharon] for having disregarded ["entirely cognizant of" would have been a better choice of words] the danger of acts of vengeance and bloodshed by the Phalangists against the population of the refugee camps, and having failed [i.e."eagerly taken this into consideration"] to take this danger into account when he decided to have the Phalangists enter the camps. In addition, responsibility is to be imputed to the Minister of Defense for not ordering appropriate measures for preventing or reducing the danger of massacre as a condition for the Phalangists' entry into the camps. These blunders constitute the non-fulfillment of a duty with which the Defense Minister was charged".
Hollander apparently cannot refute Chomsky’s argument against that report as a wrist-slapping for Sharon, so she does the worst but most effective thing possible: she defames Chomsky. She refers to Chomsky and another Jewish critic of Israel, Israel Shahak as "rabidly anti-Zionist extremists." (It is worth noting, and a bit amusing, that while Hitchens does not even mention Israel Shahak, Hollander does. Look into Israel Shahak’s critiques of Israel and Zionism. They are, like Chomsky's, devastating and I imagine Hollander may be end up being sorry she mentioned him. A eulogy for him was published in The Nation by none of than Christopher Hitchens.)
Hollander also disputes Hitchens' (accurate) depiction of Sharon's role in the destruction of the Palestinian village of Qibya in 1953. The West Bank town had in fact been a refuge of Palestinian fighters (always "terrorists" in Zionist-CAMERA parlance) much like Tel Aviv is a refuge of Israeli fighters! But what the Israelis under Sharon's direct command did was akin to what the Nazis did in the Czechoslovak town of Lidice in 1942, a comparison made long before I made it just now. After the death of high-ranking Nazi Reinhard Heydrich at the hand of Czech fighters (or "terrorists", as the Nazis put it), the Nazis leveled the town, killing everyone. In the case of Qibya, the killing of three Israeli civilians by unknown infiltrators led to the slaughter of some 67 Arab civilians, the making of a couple thousand refugees and the total destruction of the town. This imbalance of death has always characterized the struggle between Israelis and Palestinians.
Let me deal with the remainder of Hollander's claims paragraph by paragraph:
- "Rather than providing hard facts, the author fills his column with innuendo and false comparisons. Leaving out all context, he describes Israel's 1982 invasion of Lebanon as "being one of the most disastrous as well as the most gruesome operations in recent history," with the implication that the invasion was an unprovoked, brutal attack led by Ariel Sharon."
Menachem Begin, like Sharon, a long-standing Zionist terrorist, and who was the Prime Minister of Israel in 1982 when Sharon was the Minister of Defense, referred to the invasion of Lebanon as a "war of choice", which implies that it was more than a mere reaction to provocation, and that Israel in fact started the war (as it did the wars of 1956 and 1967, according to Begin. The invasion of Lebanon involved much more than attacking PLO fighters near the border, which were often responding to Israeli attacks (see Noam Chomsky’s book Fateful Triangle). It was a full-scale invasion of Lebanon. So it was unprovoked given its scope as well as due to Begin’s admission. It was also brutal. It involved the slaughter of 20,000 people at the hands of the Israelis, including the facilitation by the Israelis of the previously mentioned massacres at Sabra and Shatila. Disputing the invasion’s brutality is ridiculous. And Sharon was the civilian commander, ranking just below Begin, in charge of the invasion. So it is also ridiculous to dispute that he led the invasion.
- "But this is wrong. The PLO, with a multi-thousand man army, had taken over southern Lebanon and terrorized Lebanese of all faiths, as well as shelling northern Israeli communities, and carrying out cross-border attacks against Israeli civilians. Israel's decision to invade Lebanon was made in an attempt to stop the Palestinian terrorism emanating from that territory."
The Palestinians, including the PLO fighters in southern Lebanon in 1982 were refugees from their own homeland, now occupied by the Zionist Israelis. To object to or be surprised by their attacks on Israel as unjust is to object to and be surprised by all rightful anger. But it remains the case that it was Israeli behavior that was provocative, in keeping with their behavior in other "wars of choice".
Also, the Palestinians did not exactly "take over" southern Lebanon, they fled there (as well as to Syria and Jordan) after the 1948 war, after being chased at gun-point from their homes in what became Israel. (The Lebanese government mistreated them, much as Palestinians are mistreated in Israel, but such mistreatment is no excuse for Israeli mistreatment, as it seems often to be used.)
Palestinian "attacks on Lebanese of all faiths" is Zionist spin for their battles with the Israeli-aligned fascist Lebanese Christian militia, the Phalange; the same group that, with Israeli help, butchered thousands of Palestinian civilians at Sabra and Shatila in September 1982. There have been many acts of terrorism in the long war between Palestinians and the Israeli Zionist occupiers. There is no doubt that horrible things have been done in the name of the Palestinian cause. But they do not compare to the horrors that have been committed in the name of the Israeli cause. The Palestinians have always suffered the most. Compounding the fact they have been shoved off their own lands. For the core fact remains: Israel/Palestine is the homeland of Palestinians and they have been ethnically cleansed from their land. That is the only reason for the long dispute even if other Arab governments use the matter for their own ends!
- "For example, PLO terrorists from July 1981 and June 1982 killed 15 and wounded 250 in Israel, the West Bank, and overseas. Aborted or disrupted plans included a rocket attack on Eilat, blowing up buses and phone booths, and an attempt to explode a kindergarten near Tel Aviv. In March 1982, Israeli offices in Paris and Athens were attacked, and on April 3, PLO terrorists murdered an Israeli embassy official in Paris. The final provocation was the attempted assassination of Shlomo Argov, Israel's ambassador to Britain by Palestinian terrorists."
Recall Hollander’s insistence on the importance of context? Well, in the time in takes her to write two of her own paragraphs, she forgets context, perhaps realizing how it would hurt her argument. She mentions the attempted assassination of Israeli diplomat Shlomo Argov in London and the fact that 15 Israelis were killed and 250 wounded in the year before the invasion.
First of all, the attack on the Israeli diplomat in Paris was not carried out by the PLO. It was carried out by The Lebanese Armed Revolutionary Faction (LARF) (as stated at the Israel website of the Institute of Counter-Terrorism, which also says the Israeli official, Yaacov Barsimantov, was injured, not murdered in the attack). The LARF "grew out of the grew out of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – Special Operations Group (PFLP-SOG)", an enemy of the PLO. This latter group is often (intentionally?) confused with the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine - Special Operations Group was never part of the PLO.
Second of all, the attempted assassination of Shlomo Argov in London is also not tied to PLO. The attack on Argov was the work of an enemy of the PLO, the Abu Nidal Organization, a frequent murderer of PLO officials. It is important to note that The Abu Nidal group, in seeming irony, has been tied to the Israeli government (false flag operations being a frequent tool of the Israelis)!!
The attempted assassination Argov in London and the other Israeli diplomat in Paris (both carried out by fringe enemies of the PLO) was used as an excuse to bomb the Palestinians in Lebanon. The PLO then responded with rocket attacks across the border into Israel. The Israelis then used this as the excuse to launch its “war of choice” aggression against Lebanon and the Palestinian refugees living there which caused the deaths of 20,000 – considerably more than the 15 Israelis Hollander mentions.
And to reiterate on the matter of accuracy: Twice Hollander managed to attribute (if in the second case, vaguely) to the popular PLO
the actions of minor groups not affiliated and often violently opposed
to it!
- "And the "gruesome" nature of the violence was due to the fact "the PLO had become permeated with thugs and adventurers" (Washington Post, June 25, 1982), with numerous Lebanese telling of rape, mutilation and murders committed by PLO forces. For example, Palestinians and Lebanese leftists destroyed the city of Damour and massacred hundreds of its inhabitants. According to then- New York Times correspondent David Shipler, the PLO had turned the town into a military base, "using its churches as strongholds and armories" (New York Times, June 21, 1982)."
Gruesome crimes by some PLO members do not explain Israeli atrocities against both Palestinian and Lebanese civilians. The attack against Damour was a real crime, and an inexcusable one. But again, context tells a fuller story. The Damour massacre came after a massacre two days earlier of 1000 Palestinians at the town Karantina at the hands of fascist Lebanese Christian Phalangists. That Hollander offers the massacres at Damour (devoid of context) as a counterpoint to Israeli brutality and massacres suggests she does not give a crap about such atrocities but only that she wants to deflect attention from Israeli or Israeli supported atrocities. This hardly serves as a convincing defense of Ariel Sharon’s humanity.
- "Similarly Hitchens leaves out facts and context to portray Ariel Sharon's military actions in the 1956 Suez campaign as a "lawless attack"and his counter-terrorism operations in Gaza as "brutal enforce[ment] of occupation," suggesting that Israel has no right to defend itself or its citizens."
The factually and contextually challenged Hollander has some nerve. Recall that Menachem Begin admitted Israel chose to start the 1956 war, thus it was hardly a case of self-defense. It was a war of aggression, not a war of "self-defense", carried out following a then secret British, French and Israeli agreement that Israeli should attack with their support (Britain and France were smarting over Nasser’s nationalization of the Suez Canal). Ariel Sharon’s actions in that war of aggression were considered questionable even by the Israeli government at the time! I am not familiar with Sharon's actions in Gaza in the period after 1967, but frankly I doubt they were qualitatively different than the actions that characterized the remainder of his military and political life.
- "Hitchens also inaccurately describes an Israeli "status quo of mingled apartheid and colonization," parroting Palestinian and leftist propagandists, but offering no examples or substantiation of this false allegation. In fact, 23% of the country is non-Jewish, mainly Arab Muslims and Christians, and they are the freest Arabs of the Middle East, with members of these communities serving in the Israeli parliament, the armed forces, and the Supreme Court. The term "colonization" (which implies an alien community established in foreign territory by an imperial power) also certainly doesn't apply to Israel's presence on the land of the Jews' ancient kingdom in the disputed territory."
It should be pointed out that Israeli apartheid has been called as much by those who suffered under the South African version of it, including Jewish and Christian South Africans, and thus recognize it for what it is. As for colonization, Israel is clearly a colonized land. The Jewish inhabitants of Israel came from somewhere else to settle in land taken from the Palestinians or descend from people who did in the last fifty years. This is colonization, if words mean anything. Ancient ownership means nothing.
- The author describes Sharon's "conversion" as exemplified by his willingness to accept a Palestinian state as "one of the better ironies of history." But the real irony is that while Hitchens' own conversion is exemplified by loudly defending the U.S. war on terrorism – ["the important thing is to have it understood that the United States is absolutely serious. The jihadists have in the past bragged that America is too feeble and corrupt to fight. A lot is involved in disproving that delusion on their part" (from an interview with Front Page Magazine)] - he does not feel that Israel shares this right to defend itself and confront terrorism. When it comes to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Hitchens reverts to his past. As he told Jamie Glazov in the Front Page interview: "One of the advantages of a Marxist and internationalist training is that it exposes one to the early writings of those Jewish cosmopolitans who warned from the first day that Zionism would be a false Messiah for the Jews and an injustice to the Arabs.
Here, Hollander is on firmer ground against Hitchens, even if the argument reverts to an unfavorable place upon serious consideration. Yes, Hitchens is inconsistent in that he has become an excuse-maker for American atrocities such as the war in Iraq even as he remembers his better self in attacking Sharon and Israel for theirs. But that hardly means he is wrong about Sharon and Israel. I’ll let Hitchens' words to Jamie Glazov stand as the best and truest thing he said in that interview.
- The question is why Slate -- knowing Hitchens' anti-Zionist views -- considered it appropriate for him to "eulogize" Sharon?
Salon didn’t choose Hitchens to eulogize Sharon. Hitchens, in his weekly column, chose to write about Sharon. Duh.
In fact, Hitchens does offer a “good word” (eulogy) about Sharon in the sense that he mentions that Sharon, of all people, may have finally come to realize both the immorality of the Israeli occupation and the futility of Zionist dreams of a great Israeli Reich stretching from the Nile to the Euphrates:
"Bertrand Russell used to employ the method of "evidence against interest"; in other words of deciding that a critique of capital punishment, say, carried more weight if it came from a prison governor. (My friend John O'Sullivan puts it like this: If the pope says he believes in God, he's only doing his job; if he says he doesn't believe in God, he may be on to something.) Thus, when Ariel Sharon—the Arik who had been the hero of the settlers and of those who believed in "transfer" or expulsion—announced that "occupation" was the only word to describe the situation in the territories, the shock was quite something. When he added that the idea of Eretz Israel Ha'shlema—the "complete" land of Israel—was in fact a demographic impossibility, the shock was even greater. Together with his colleague and possible successor, Acting Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, he publicly told the old Zionist hard-liners that the expansionist dream of Vladimir Jabotinsky was one that would have to be abandoned. He must have been aware of the ideological danger here, because he had always been the first to say that any challenge to the right of settlement anywhere was implicitly a challenge to the legitimacy of the state itself. It didn't cost him too much to let Sinai go—for some odd reason, the meeting place of Moses and his maker isn't included in the God-given territories—but any retreat on the West Bank or Gaza would have been a challenge to his core beliefs."
I am sure Hollander and other Zionist extremists are very careful in their eulogies to the Butcher of Beirut to leave out such discomforting insights from their hero.
Thus is the quality of all pro-Zionist extremists’ arguments.
(See also Confessions of a newly-minted Zionist apologist )